I am not and do not intend to beg as a criminologist the fate of the already six victims of Petrokhan - may their souls rest in peace!
I have always been interested in the role of institutions and how they deal with such challenges, which are a marker of the level of our statehood.
The only option is a quick investigation - with so much information and so many people involved - and a convincing disclosure of the whole truth. As in the case of the child killed by his mother, which initially caused a political uproar from the taxi guild during Kostov's time.
This was commented on "Facebook" Evgeniy Kanev.
The second option is what happened with the Notary, Alexey Petrov and a bunch of other contract killings - where the lack of revelations is mostly an indication of the weak level of the services, their complicity or some combination. This option is encouraged by the controlled directing of public attention to "irregularities" around the victims - the so-called victimization.
The problem of our country is not just the low, but the total lack of trust of citizens in institutions.
Can Sarafov, Denev, Mitov be trusted? And they are the key leaders of the investigators. And they are, alas, a marker not of statehood, but of the mafia's takeover of institutions.
Can this change?
It's not easy, but it can.
There is a spark of hope with the election of the BSP chief. No, no one has real expectations that he will change hardcore communists and Putinists. But by virtue of the traditions in this party, where the leader is followed - it is not improbable that Zarkov will turn the BSP on the topic of the machine vote and sections abroad at first. If Yotova decides to veto the law - following Radev's line. With the new majority, the most important thing can be changed - the election law.
There is no way to reduce the influence of the criminal state without a sufficiently large presence of the PP-DB in parliament, so that with Radev they have a parliamentary majority. Because change does not start with the government, but with the legislation - elections, the judicial system, services. Law on the integrity of civil servants - through which the state can be cleansed of mafia agents.
Radev is not a long-term, but it may be a temporary solution for cleansing the state of Peevski and Borisov - because their personnel are for joint use. And in order for there to be no danger of a parallel increase in Russian influence instead of that of Peevski and Borisov - PP-DB must gain more than Radev.
For this, a simple story is needed about how harmful a leader with concentrated power is for Bulgaria - a temptation from time immemorial for people in difficult times. Because foreign influence is best channeled through a trapped person - and there is hardly a better example than Trump. Except for Radev himself.
Bulgaria needs not a leader, not even a coalition, but a collective government that can deal with the mafia.
As is done around the world.