If I had to describe the movement created by my husband Alexei Navalny in a few words, I would say the following: we are a pro-European movement. We believe that Russia is an integral part of European civilization and that the European model of development is the most suitable for our country. Hence our conviction that the dark years of Putinism are not a historical inevitability, but a deviation. And that when Vladimir Putin's regime ends, Russia will have a chance to return to its European path.
This is what Yulia Navalnaya, wife of the late Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, wrote in her commentary for Politico on the topic "What the Russian opposition wants".
But what does this "European path" actually mean? From Hungary to Portugal, from Sweden to Greece, Europe is vast and diverse. Its nations differ in their governance and political evolution.
Moreover, 2025 was a year of serious tests for the countries of the continent, even by recent standards. Putin's war against Ukraine continues, and the EU is under strong political pressure - both from outside and from within. The economic situation is also far from ideal: EU countries are forced to sharply increase their defense and security spending, which gives new arguments to populists from all directions.
Things that until recently seemed obvious are now being questioned. Extreme positions on fundamental issues - from humanistic values to migration, environmental policies, minority rights and relations with dictatorships - suddenly began to be heard from the highest tribunes. Until a few years ago, this would have been unthinkable.
When Alexei Navalny spoke of the "Beautiful Russia of the Future", he imagined a peaceful, democratic, prosperous European state. But what does it mean to be a European state today?
Despite its internal contradictions and divisions, Europe has always been a symbol of well-being - for me and for many Russians.
After World War II, it became an outstanding example of a progressive society built on mutual respect. Racism, colonialism, militarism, imperialism and, above all, the rejection of democracy and human rights became unacceptable.
The values enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights became a guiding light for all who fight against dictatorships - including in Russia, inspiring Soviet dissidents in their unequal and heroic struggle against communist tyranny.
These same values have always been at the heart of our program - consistent, not situational opposition to Putin.
Our main clash with him is not tactical, but value-based. My husband - who was killed on Putin's orders - and many of our like-minded people opposed him even before the invasion of Ukraine, when he was well received in European capitals. And we will continue to oppose him if he remains in power, even after this terrible war is over.
We don't want anything extraordinary. We simply want Russia to be a country that cares above all about the dignity, rights and future of its citizens - just like European countries do.
We want the same fundamental rights and freedoms that Europeans take for granted in their daily lives.
We fight for the supremacy of human rights over state interests.
We want true freedom of speech and assembly, so that anyone who disagrees with the government can openly campaign and criticize it, without fear of imprisonment, exile or murder - as happened to my husband.
We strive for democracy - the right of every citizen to run for office and win the trust of voters in free and fair elections.
We support federalism and local self-government, so that people can elect their representatives not only at the national, but also at the regional and local levels. In a multi-ethnic country like Russia, this is vital - only through real self-government can its peoples preserve their culture, language and identity.
We also fight for independent and fair courts. We defend the right to private property, but at the same time we believe that a rich country like Russia should be generous to its citizens - the income from its natural resources should not be stolen by the ruling elite or spent on wars.
And, of course, we want peace - because the very idea of waging war seems as absurd to us as it does to any normal European.
We want Russia to be a good neighbor and a reliable partner to all the countries around it - both in the East and in the West. These are the European values that unite hundreds of millions of people - from Tallinn to Lisbon - despite their differences and despite the polarization of modern politics.
Rule of law, not arbitrariness. Respect for institutions, not personal whims. A state that serves the people, not people serving the state.
As you can see, we are not radicals. We are different people, but we are united by one thing: we are enemies of the Putin regime, which brought war, dictatorship, corruption and terror to our country.
We oppose not only Putin personally, but his entire authoritarian, anti-democratic, militaristic, xenophobic and chauvinistic ideology. Putinism has no ideology - it is simply a rejection of the values of modern European civilization.
We are normal Europeans who share the basic European values.
When I talk to European politicians, they often ask me how they can help our movement, in our fight against Putin and his war. My answer is simple: be strong, principled and consistent. It is in our common interest that Europe remains united and successful, because only in this way can it withstand the challenges of our time and help those who are still fighting for freedom.
Europe is fully capable of resisting hypocrisy and double standards. And it is fully capable of reaching out to tens of millions of pro-European Russians - and helping their numbers grow.
Only in this way will the "Beautiful Russia of the Future", for which Alexei Navalny gave his life - a peaceful, democratic and prosperous state, in a word - a normal European country, be achieved.