Veselin Stoynev's comment:
If during the third vote of no confidence, the "New Beginning" had not stood by GERB and the small parties in the government - BSP and ITN, there would have been no government and no eurozone after July 8, when the last green light for our membership is. Boyko Borisov said such terrible things to the youth in GERB, even calling Peevski by his first name - Delyan, and ordered the liberal spokesmen to be grateful that he exists. Besides, Delyan was a man who kept his word and knew his own interests, unlike his various PPs and DBs.
The context of this praise for Peevski is that the PPs had already been cooked up according to a well-established recipe with their own products in a corruption scandal. And while “Vazrazhdane“ is submitting the third vote of no confidence against the “Zhelyazkov“ cabinet - due to a failure in fiscal policy and falsely covered criteria for the eurozone, GERB will save the immunities of the four MPs of Kostadin Kostadinov, who desecrated the building of the European Commission, i.e. of this same eurozone, and endangered the lives and health of Bulgarian police officers.
There is no one to bring down the cabinet
The goal of the Russophile and anti-European parties with the third vote of no confidence is to produce stereo noise at maximum from the parliament and from the street protests in the last days before the final decision on the euro. It is completely clear to Kostadinov and Borisov that the government will not fall, because for this they need 121 votes, which they cannot possibly gather, even if the PP-DB votes together with “Vazrazhdane“, “Velichye“ and MECH, which is not only absurd, but also pointless. It is absurd and pointless for even the DPS-New Beginning to vote with the Putinophiles, because Peevski is a self-proclaimed fighter for the euro and for the people, whom he will defend from speculators through people's stores with low food markups. Otherwise, only he can bring down the government if his formation and the DPS-Dogan vote "for" the no-confidence vote (as the Doganists did in the previous vote).
Peevski - washed and dried
However, why does Peevski want to bring down the cabinet, when it is already under his control. And if he wants to openly enter it, he can do it without tearing it down. After all, he is already completely washed and dried - only 6 months after Borisov was shyly scolding himself about the initiative for the sanitary cordon, he is already openly relying on Peevski without shame or sin. Because there is simply no other choice or he never wanted to have one.
But for the complete triumph of the governing tandem Borisov-Peevski, a marriage through elections is still needed that will bring even greater dowries. When they eventually won't need helpers like the BSP and the ITN, no matter how tamed they are - why waste money? To this end, however, the democratic opposition needs to be weakened and strategically neutralized. Weakened by the corruption scandal, the aftershocks of which will probably last a long time, like in a highly seismic region. But also strategically neutralized, if the worn-out anti-corruption copy is completely replaced with a geopolitical one.
Clogging the prospect of a unified presidential candidate
It was no coincidence that Borisov invaded the topic of a common presidential candidate for GERB together with the “broken Avars“ – not so much to gnaw at a part of their voters who will choose the offer of the larger formation in the face of the threat of Radev and the “kopeks“, as to nip in the bud the prospect of the unified candidate for president of the democratic community becoming an alternative platform for governance. Because this initiative opens up an opportunity for consolidation of democratic voters and for a parliamentary vote, and this threatens the ambitions of Borisov and Peevski to triumph on white horses.
If the democratic opposition is reduced and dispersed, it will not only not be a threat to the governance of Borisov-Peevski, but it can also serve as legitimization for him – both there is some opposition, and sins can be constantly transferred to it and serve as a sparring partner, and nothing really depends on it. But if there is no hepten, the opposition may turn out to be the street, regardless of whether with or without Radev and the “kopeks“. And this risk can't always be managed, despite Borisov's experience in crisis management.
Soon Election Bills
However, the current government after July 8 remains in a dilemma as to whether it should remain in power and take responsibility for the next six months until the first crisis months of 2026 after the introduction of the euro. If it relatively successfully overcomes this challenge, with European capital behind it, it can think about early elections, even as late as November next year, along with the presidential elections. If inflation soars and public finances become tight, it may be tempted to hide this with an early vote this fall. But then there will be no one to blame, and it will also serve a gift to Radev and the "kopecks" - unless they are already domesticated or have been provided with cooking.
The government began its term with a strong commitment to the euro, it may voluntarily end it before its introduction and send us to the elections in a battle for lower prices for some, while others more easily launder and stuff euros into bags.