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Berkai Chokdzhan: It's time for the MRF to break with the feudal model

The model of subordination, which encourages the convenient and sanctions the critical, reproduces weak politicians like Chakarov, says Berkai Chokdzhan

Снимка: БГНЕС
ФАКТИ публикува мнения с широк спектър от гледни точки, за да насърчава конструктивни дебати.

Author: Emi Baruch

Is there any surprise in Dzhevdet Chakarov's solo action? For people from the innermost circle of those in the know, his decision is not unexpected. It is not difficult to guess that in the layers that motivated this decision - layers that we do not see on the surface and which are like quicksand on underwater currents, cash flows are slipping. Seizures of companies, assets, threats and public humiliations. This is the absolute “suffocating grip” of Delyan Peevski, sanctioned under the Magnitsky Act. The Quran says: “Money acquired from something that is a sin is sinful”. But moral concepts from the moral register of the canon are not in the vocabulary of the leaders of the MRF.

In the name of the people?

It is obvious that the “photo shoot” with the handshake between the two former “co-chairmen” was directed under pressure. Something like those videos to intimidate the audience, in which, on his knees and bowing his head in servility, the defeated opponent tells the camera of the winner… that they had a “deep and constructive conversation”, that they decided to end the confrontation and unite “in the name of the people”. But do people share the same opinion?

Here is how political analyst Berkai Chokjan comments on the expectations of the youth MRF after the attempt to merge the two factions:

Berkai Chokjan: Chakarov's timid, uncertain and passive leadership, due, as with his predecessors, to the fact that he was appointed, and not a naturally emerged leader, has long given rise to doubts and speculation and was not liked not only by rank-and-file party members, but also by the youth. Some of them resigned a few days ago, disappointed by the organizational chaos, the lack of communication, their being put on the back burner, the one-man decision-making and their use for narrow personal interests. And although some are joining the "New Beginning", for now, the majority of the youth remain on the side of the honorary chairman. Of the current party leaders, they recognize Ilhan Küçük as a leader and exponent of their ideas, but he is unlikely to leave his successful career in Brussels to lead the party.

Who can lead the party?

Berkay Çokcan: It is necessary for the old leadership, burdened by fear and addictions, to leave the party trenches and give way to younger, brave and energetic people - otherwise the rot will continue and the fatal end will not be far off. The constant use of the long-debunked myth of Dogan will not contribute to either organizational or electoral consolidation.

"A new approach and new messages are needed"

A new approach, a new vision and messages that are relevant to modern times and its challenges are needed, as well as a break with the one-man feudal model of governance and its blind, sectarian subordination. The model of subordination, which encourages the convenient and obedient, and sanctions the critical, reproduces weak and impersonal politicians, who are considered leaders like Chakarov. This model must remain in the past.

If they want their party to survive, the youth must become the engine of this healing process of internal party renewal and democratization. If they do not have the desire and character to fight for their party, but prefer to go with the flow and pursue a career in politics, they will probably have to cross over to the other side of the barricade in the not-so-distant future.

What does this mean for the political balance in parliament, as well as in mixed districts?

Berkay Çokcjan: About 10 months ago, when the “schism“ in the MRF began, which began with the individual secession of deputies switching from Peevski's camp to Dogan's, the numerical parity of the two parliamentary groups had been reached. Less than a year later, things seem diametrically opposed - not only is Peevski's group superior, but his opponent's group was ritually beheaded. This victory by Peevski has more symbolic than operational significance, because Chakarov was a weak chairman with a low rating anyway. But this is also a kind of warning to the remaining old party oligarchy around Dogan that no one is safe. That is why it will not be surprising if we soon see a new “sensational” transfer.

If Dogan's camp wants to have any chance of surviving in the long term, it must urgently renew its leadership with young, unburdened by fear and addictions, aware of the significance of the historical moment and ready to bear responsibility. If this event does not have a sobering effect on Dogan's party, which is already seriously eroding, whose structures in places are highly demoralized, and instead of learning lessons, the party and its youth organization continue to be used as a Praetorian Guard to guarantee already accumulated benefits, it will only be a matter of time before Peevski completely assimilates.

"Peevski's claims to power and influence will continue"

He is very skillfully combining the carrot and the stick to expand his influence in mixed districts - he tempts some mayors by promising them funds for infrastructure projects, and threatens others, who he knows have been involved in abuses over the years, with the prosecutor's office. Of course, the district coordinators are also tasked with attracting Dogan's cadres, tempting them with promises of positions and careers. And it seems that Peevski's systematic claims to power and influence, which were not delegated to him by the citizens during the elections, will continue with even greater intensity. This was facilitated by the withdrawal of Dogan's faction from the ruling majority, which formalized Peevski's importance as a golden finger for the ruling party, as well as the scarcity of internal resistance forces in the MRF.