The coup of May 19, 1934, which was carried out by the Military Union and the Political Circle “Zveno“, was the result of numerous internal and foreign political prerequisites.
In the early 1930s, the Kingdom of Bulgaria found itself in a complex internal and foreign political situation. As is known, since 1929 there has been a global economic crisis, which, despite the actions of the Bulgarian governments to support economic development and deal with social tension, inevitably affects the Bulgarian economy.
To this, of course, one must add Bulgaria's traditional problems in connection with its unenviable position in the Versailles system of treaties and, above all, international isolation at the European and Balkan levels. On this basis lies the Balkan Pact signed on February 9, 1934 in Athens, between the representatives of Greece, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Romania, which guarantees the territorial status quo on the peninsula and has an obvious focus against Bulgaria and Albania. They are the only ones striving for revision.
The difficultly consolidated ruling coalition between the Democratic Party, the Bulgarian National Socialist Union of Socialists – Vrabcha 1, the National Liberal Party and the Radical Democrats is an expression of the serious party fragmentation in Bulgaria at that time. In addition to the ruling parties in the 23rd National Assembly, the following political groups are also represented: the Democratic Alliance, the Workers' Party, the Macedonian Group and the Social Democratic Party.
Outside the parliament, there are about 40 other political parties, which gives reason to speak of a “decay“ of political life. This leads to instability, but on the other hand, the years from 1931 to 1934 are some of the most democratic in the new Bulgarian history. These years are also times in which authoritarian and totalitarian regimes are gaining strength in Europe.
There are also two different from the traditional political organizations in the country. The “Unit“ circle, created in 1927, is an elitist structure of a fascist type. They declare themselves in favor of reducing the number of elected bodies and introducing the corporatist principle. In addition, they are against the multi-party system and strive for a more authoritarian way of government.
The Military Union was created in early 1919, in the conditions of Bulgaria's defeat in World War I. The officers who were members of it were worried about their future, in view of the defeat of the Kingdom in the war and the subsequent restrictions imposed by the Treaty of Neuilly. The organization strives to limit the role of parties in society and is a great opponent of the BZNS and the communists. It benefits from the tacit support of Tsar Boris III, and the main figures are Kimon Georgiev, Damyan Velchev, Krum Kolev, etc.
The Military Union also plays a decisive role in the implementation of the June 9th coup. From the beginning of 1934, a crisis occurs in the relations between the parties of the ruling majority. The BZNS's desire for another ministerial position is deflected by the democrats and the government is shaken. At this moment of instability, the Military Union had already decided to work on organizing a new coup.
On May 9, the Tsar gave the post of Minister of War to Gen. Atanas Vatev from the Union, which was a clear sign of his attitude towards the prepared action. On May 15, Prime Minister Mushanov submitted his resignation to the government, thereby facilitating the military. A decision was made on May 19, 1934 at 2:40 in the morning, for the Military Union, together with the political circle “Zveno“ to carry out the coup. The password for the beginning of the actions was “Saber“. Everything went according to plan, including the desire not to shed blood, because the coup plotters did not encounter resistance.
Kimon Georgiev and Pencho Zlatev met with Tsar Boris III at around 5 o'clock. Although he accepted what had happened, the monarch insisted that things be done constitutionally and that the arrested Mushanov be released in order to return his mandate. A government was formed, headed by Kimon Georgiev. It mainly included representatives of the “Zveno“, but there were also people from the traditional parties, albeit from the lower echelons.
As early as May 19, the new rulers issued a manifesto to the Bulgarian people, in which they explained their actions with “The complete decay of the parties, which deeply affected society, the state and the national economy.“ The document spoke of limiting local self-government, centralizing the administration and more serious participation of the state in economic life, which was in the spirit of global economic trends in the 1930s.
The National Assembly was dissolved and over 180 decrees were issued, which aimed to radically change the political and economic system. Ministries were reduced from 10 to 8, and the sixteen districts were transformed into 7 regions. All municipal councils were dissolved. A purge was carried out in the administration and the army, and only personnel loyal to the new government were appointed.
On June 14, a landmark decree was issued - a law banning party-political organizations and their divisions. Their property and archives were confiscated. Democratic rights to freedom of speech and associations were limited. It was this decree that crippled parliamentary democracy for a long period of time.
The propaganda order issued on July 27 by the Minister of War Zlatev spoke of the “bright future of the renewal process“. The revolution would bring a “new era“ and governance in the name of the national interest. According to the document, power is now exercised by competent people and the “dictatorship of numbers and the crowd“ has been abolished.
The main governing body of the new government should be the Directorate for Social Renewal, established in early June - it is headed by a director and has a branched structure of several departments and services. It should work in direct contact and direct the other state institutions. From July 30, the state, borrowing the practices of Italian fascism, began to organize casion professional associations, which “serve as organs of the state for conducting its economic and social policy“.
Thanks to the cuts and optimization of the state apparatus, the 19th May Party managed to achieve about half a billion leva in savings and Kimon Georgiev declared the financial situation stable at the end of the summer. Persecutions were organized mainly against communists, but some of the leaders of traditional parties were also targeted.
In the summer of 1934, mass arrests of VMRO activists were also carried out. The revolutionary organization fell under the ban on political organizations. At the same time, Tsar Boris III was not happy with the growing influence of the military in the country's political life. Over time, the disagreements between them increased.
After two changes in the government, on April 21, 1935, the monarch managed to form a new cabinet headed by the civilian non-partisan diplomat Andrei Toshev. This allowed him to limit the role of the military as much as possible and establish an authoritarian regime under his command. His actions have been called by some historians a "tsarist counter-coup". Ultimately, without having organized the coup of May 19, 1934, the Tsar successfully took advantage of it. He managed to outwit the organizers, thereby increasing his personal power.