After years of debate, speculation and official denial of the idea of succession, Mojtaba Khamenei entered the center stage as the officially appointed leader, moving from a position of unofficial influence in his father's "house" to the highest office in the state.
His appointment is the culmination of a long path that he quietly built, relying on a strong network of connections in the "Revolutionary Guard", growing influence in the ruling establishment and a wide role behind the scenes, despite never having held an official state position.
Thus, the path along which Mojtaba Khamenei's name went from a whisper among elites into a topic of open discussion on the streets and in the media, and then into an international issue, made him a unique figure in Iranian politics, combining unofficial influence and political mystery.
Mujtaba Khamenei is 56 years old, born on September 8, 1969, in the city of Mashhad. He grew up during a period when his father participated in leading the opposition to the Shah, then witnessed the establishment of the Islamic Republic and his father's ascension to the pinnacle of power.
Of Ali Khamenei's six sons, Mujtaba is almost the only one who is most closely involved in public affairs, although his public presence is limited, his media appearances are rare, and his public speeches are almost nonexistent.
His absence was not evidence of the marginality of his role, but quite the opposite. The man who for years was described as the leader's "doorman" and as a man of wide influence in his father's office, was seen in many circles as one of the most influential figures in Iranian decision-making behind the scenes.
A US diplomatic cable, written in 2007 and later published by “WikiLeaks“, cites three Iranian sources who describe Mojtaba as a means of access to Khamenei, an early reflection of the importance of his position in the inner circle around the leader.
What is remarkable about Mojtaba Khamenei's path is that his influence was not built through official office, but through his unofficial position in the power structure. He was never elected or appointed to a government position, except for his work in his father's office.
Nevertheless, his name continued to be mentioned as an influential player in Iranian politics, especially in the complex balance between the religious establishment and the security and military. services.
This description did not come only from his opponents or Iran's external enemies, but was also confirmed by the US sanctions imposed on him in 2019. At the time, the US Treasury Department said that he represented the leader "officially, although he was not elected or appointed to a government position", and that Khamenei had delegated some of his leadership responsibilities to his son, who worked closely with the "Quds Force" and the "Basij" to achieve the regime's regional goals and domestic policies.
Some analysts believe that the inclusion of Mojtaba Khamenei's name on the US sanctions lists was not simply a financial or legal action, but also had political significance, related to the extent of his unofficial influence in the system and the desire to emphasize the limits of his powers and his role in the power structure.
From here comes one of his clearest characteristics: a man without an official position, but with powers that significantly exceed the limits of the position.
Close ties with the “Revolutionary Guard“
If Mojtaba Khamenei has built his influence within “home“, his most important capital is established through his close ties with the “Revolutionary Guard“, the most cohesive, organized and influential institution in the Islamic Republic. The roots of this connection, according to the information disseminated about him, go back to his participation in a combat unit of the “Guard“ during the final stage of the Iran-Iraq war, an experience that contributed to the strengthening of his early relationship with the ideological military institution.
Over time, this relationship is no longer just a historical connection, but becomes a basis for real influence. Informed sources said his close ties to the Revolutionary Guards gave him additional influence in the country's political and security apparatus. Kasrai Arabi, head of the Revolutionary Guards research team at United Against a Nuclear Iran, concluded that Mujtaba had a "strong base and support within (the Revolutionary Guards), especially among the younger conservative generations," describing him as already acting as a "miniature leader."
This definition, although it seems more of a political description than an institutional one, summarizes an image that has become established over the years: a man who moves in the shadows but manages many of the real threads within the system, especially in the most hard-line circles.
Politically, Mojtaba Khamenei is considered close to the conservative wing of the regime, even one of its most strict components on domestic and foreign issues. According to sources who have examined his biography, he was opposed to reformists who sought communication with the West, both with regard to the nuclear program and with regard to demands for expanded civil liberties. Mojtaba, according to these accounts, firmly adhered to his father's policies; which has made his name permanently associated with the line of firmness, more than with any possibility of change or openness.
In this context, his name has been present in major political conflicts in the Islamic Republic, especially on electoral issues. He is widely believed to be behind the sudden rise of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who was elected president in 2005. In the 2009 elections, his name returned strongly; he supported Ahmadinejad in an election whose results were disputed and led to mass protests that were brutally suppressed by the “Basij“ and other security forces.
At that time, Mehdi Qorubi, a moderate cleric and presidential candidate, sent a letter to Khamenei protesting what he described as Mojtaba's role in supporting Ahmadinejad. Khamenei denied the accusation, but his son's name then moved out of the realm of political whispers into public debate.
One of the facts often cited in the debate about his political role is Mehdi Qorubi's account that Khamenei responded to a politician who warned him about his son's interference in public affairs with the words: "He is the master, not the son of the master." This phrase was interpreted as a recognition of the independence of his political personality, or at least as a sign that his son was not perceived in some circles of power simply as the leader's son.
In addition to his political and security influence, Mujtaba Khamenei worked to build a position in the religious establishment. He was educated by conservative clerics in the schools of Qom, the center of Shiite legal training in Iran, and also studied at the "Alawi" school in the city of Qom, the same school where Ebrahim Raisi attended classes in “fiqh al-khareej“ under Khamenei.
He also taught in Qom and reached the rank of “Hujiat al-Islam“, which is a middle religious rank in the hierarchy of the religious schools, lower than the rank of “Ayatollah“ held by his father and Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder and leader. This very fact was one of the most glaring weaknesses that critics pointed out to him; many of them believed that he lacked the traditional religious qualifications necessary for the position of leader.
But the path of this man was not devoid of signs that were interpreted in Iranian circles as attempts to strengthen his religious legitimacy. In August 2023, talk of a possible succession to the post took on a more serious tone when the official website of the Qom training center used the title "Ayatollah" for the first time in front of Mujtaba Khamenei's name, a move that was seen as a sign of his elevated religious status. This came in conjunction with the announcement of the opening of registration for students wishing to attend his classes in "fiqh al-khareej"
In September 2024, a widely circulated video showed Mujtaba announcing the suspension of classes in "fiqh al-khareej and al-usul". He said: "Today's lecture will be the last", adding that the cessation of teaching was a "personal decision" and “has nothing to do with political issues“, and that “this is a matter between me and God”, noting that his father had been informed of his decision. But this step only fueled speculation rather than dispelling it.