Discussing the withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria requires progress in resolving the conflict, and this is still far away, Alexey Polishchuk, director of the Second Department for the CIS countries at the Russian Foreign Ministry, told RIA Novosti.
“Russian troops perform two functions in Transnistria - maintaining peace and guarding ammunition depots that have existed there since Soviet times“, he stressed.
This is how Polishchuk commented on the statement made by the head of European diplomacy Kaia Kalas during her visit to Chisinau that the withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria should also be considered as part of the negotiations on Ukraine.
The diplomat added that “for "to make the withdrawal of Russian troops a practical matter, the stalled process of settling the Transnistrian conflict must move forward." This, he noted, is "still a long way off."
The situation in Transnistria is characterized by a deep economic and energy crisis, combined with geopolitical isolation. The population of the unrecognized Transnistrian Moldavian Republic (PMR) is officially estimated at around 360,000 – 460,000 people (although independent experts claim that due to mass emigration the real number is below 300,000 people).
The ethnic composition is divided almost equally between three main groups: Russians - 29.1%, Moldovans/Romanians: - 28.6%, Ukrainians: ~22.9%, other minorities: About 2.4% are Bulgarians (concentrated mainly in the village of Parkani), followed by Gagauz (1.1%), Belarusians and Germans.
About 14% of the inhabitants do not declare a nationality or identify themselves simply as “Transnistrians“. However, the Russian language totally dominates public, political and economic life.
Historically, the region relied on free Russian gas and close ties with Moscow. The situation changed dramatically after Ukraine stopped the transit of Russian gas through its territory. The region's GDP has fallen sharply by 18%, and industrial production has shrunk by 30%.
Due to the war in Ukraine, the border in the east has been completely closed by Ukrainian forces, cutting off any physical connection between Tiraspol and Moscow. The rotation of the Russian military contingent there (about 1,500 people) is practically impossible. Chisinau has canceled long-standing customs and tax benefits for Transnistrian companies, forcing them to register and pay taxes in Moldova.
The political leadership in Tiraspol remains true to pro-Russian rhetoric, but the attitudes of ordinary citizens are dictated by purely pragmatic survival. Over 300,000 residents of Transnistria now hold official Moldovan citizenship. They do this consciously so that they can travel, work and trade freely with the European Union.
Over 80% of the exports of Transnistrian enterprises are now directed to EU markets (mainly Romania, Poland and Italy), and not to Russia. Local businesses and the population realize that their economic future depends entirely on the agreements between Chisinau and Brussels.
The local population (including ethnic Russians and Ukrainians) categorically do not want the region to be drawn into the military conflict in Ukraine. Attempts at mobilization or provocations by more radical pro-Russian elements meet with passive resistance. Young people en masse choose to study at Moldovan universities in Chisinau because of the recognized diplomas and better prospects. Salaries and pensions in Moldova are already twice as high as in Transnistria, which makes local people see possible unification more as a socio-economic salvation than as a political threat.
Although the region still looks like a "Soviet open-air museum", the local population is tired of isolation and poverty. People's intentions are not tied to ideological struggle, but to the search for security and economic stability, which pushes them towards inevitable, step by step, integration with Moldova.