In early December 2025, British media such as "The Times" reported that the United Kingdom was considering sending rejected asylum seekers to "return centers" in North Macedonia. There, reports of these so-called "return centers" have sparked violent political reactions and public resistance. The topic of migration has suddenly become the center of the domestic political debate.
As early as May 2025, when the strategic partnership agreement between the United Kingdom and North Macedonia was signed at the government level, there were rumors that arrangements on migration issues could be part of it.
In December, the Prime Minister of North Macedonia, Hristijan Mickoski, was forced to publicly refute information on the topic of migration in the British media and describe it as speculation and fake news by the opposition. "While I am Prime Minister, not a single camp for illegal migrants will be built and we will not accept a single migrant," Mickoski said.
"Externalization" of migration policy
According to British media, the partnership agreement stipulated that migrants whose asylum applications in the UK were rejected would be deported to third countries in the Western Balkans. North Macedonia was named, along with Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as one of the potential participating countries, to which Britain reportedly promised financial compensation for each migrant accepted.
Critics call this the "externalisation" of migration policy: the control and accommodation of migrants is increasingly being transferred to countries outside the EU legal system. Thus, in 2022, the UK negotiated the transfer of asylum seekers to Rwanda - a project that was finally terminated after a decision by the UK Supreme Court and a change of government.
Unequal relations
Central to this context is the asymmetric situation between EU countries and the Western Balkan countries. While European countries increasingly direct their migration policies towards control and isolation, the Western Balkan countries are under pressure to establish themselves as reliable partners of Western Europe - often with expectations of political cohesion, security cooperation or economic benefits.
Political scientist Florian Bieber from the Center for South East European Studies at the University of Graz emphasizes that the inclusion of the Western Balkan countries is not accidental: their position outside the EU legal framework makes it politically easier to transfer migrants there. Although these countries, as candidates for EU membership, are harmonizing their legal systems with those of the EU, they remain formally outside the EU asylum system.
The silence of governments
Migration has been an extremely sensitive topic in Western Balkan societies for years. The fear that they will become "Europe's reception camp" has been widespread in the region - not least since the closure of borders along the Balkan route, which refugees - mainly from Syria - have been taking to Western Europe in 2015. Biber points out that this concern is fueled not only by xenophobia, but also by a sense of political instrumentalization and loss of control.
The debate is exacerbated by gaps in political communication. Instead of providing timely and transparent information, governments, such as in North Macedonia, often provide only fragmentary information about possible agreements. Bieber sees this as a deliberate strategy: open communication can be politically damaging, especially when these governments rely on a conservative or nationalist electorate. However, withholding information creates a vacuum that is quickly filled with speculation, rumors and disinformation.
Migration as a tool in the election campaign
This is what media researcher Olga Koševaliska from the "Goce Delchev" University in Shtip warns about. In the Macedonian media, migration is often presented sensationally and without sufficient context, which creates the impression that it is an immediate, uncontrollable threat. This dynamic is particularly visible on social networks, where emotionally charged and sharp formulations spread quickly and radicalize the debate. The result is an increasingly aggravating public discourse, in which migration is no longer perceived as a complex social phenomenon, but primarily as a security risk, says Koševaliska.
At the same time, the migration issue serves as a convenient tool in the internal political power struggle in the Western Balkan countries. In North Macedonia, the opposition has used the issue to accuse the government of betraying national interests and to mobilize protests. Koševaliska recalls 2017, when reports of alleged plans to resettle migrants led to local referendums and tensions in the country - an example of how easily issues related to migration policy can be used to polarize societies in the region.
Kosovo is open to cooperation
While Bosnia and Herzegovina has reportedly rejected the British offer to accept migrants outright, Kosovo Prime Minister Albin Kurti is open to cooperation in exchange for security support. Kosovo has already demonstrated readiness for such agreements and has experience with such arrangements: in 2021, the country accepted about 1,900 Afghans waiting to continue their journey to the United States, and later concluded an agreement with Denmark that allowed it to use up to 300 places in Kosovo's prisons for convicted foreigners who are due to be deported after serving their sentences.
Political scientist Nexhemedin Spahiu from Pristina criticizes that decisions are too often made for opportunistic reasons - for example, to satisfy strategic partners such as Britain. In this, not enough attention is paid to the long-term societal and institutional consequences. Prime Minister Kurti's request is simply "an act of submission to a strategic ally in order to maintain relations", says Spahiu. Loyalty to allies is important, but it should end where one's own capabilities are exceeded, the political scientist believes. Otherwise, the Western Balkans risk becoming an even greater "periphery" of European migration policy than many already perceive them to be today.
Authors: Pandeli Pani | Arbnora Memeti | Vyosa Tserkini