Vasil Ivanov Kunchev was born on July 6 (July 18, new style) 1837 in Karlovo. In 1845, he began his education at the monastery school in his hometown, and a year later he was already studying at the local mutual school. Only at the age of 14 did he lose his father and the care of the young Vasil was taken over by his uncle Vasily Karaivanov.
In the period 1852-1854, he lived in the local monastery of Mount Athos and studied church singing. After his uncle moved to Stara Zagora, Levski followed him and graduated from the second grade of the Stara Zagora school. Due to the boy's excellent performance, the uncle promised that one day he would send him to study in Russia. This never happened. In 1856-1857, the young man studied at the priestly school of teacher Atanas Ivanov in Stara Zagora, and the following year he accepted the monastic order of deacon with the name Ignatius. In 1858, he was ordained a hierodeacon and became a church singer in the church of the “Holy Mother of God“ in Karlovo. This is recalled by the magazine “Bulgarian History“.
In 1861, as a result of an economic crisis in the Ottoman Empire and the economic policy pursued, oppressing the Bulgarians, a stir occurred in revolutionary circles. Stoil Popov from Kalofer and Levski made some of the first efforts to raise the people to fight. At that time, Bulgarian society was extremely unprepared for a rebellion, which is why the Deacon's first revolutionary attempt was unsuccessful.
Instead of giving up on the people's cause, on March 3, 1862, Levski left his hometown and headed for Serbia,
to join the First Bulgarian Legion,
organized by Rakovski. According to legend, during military exercises, he made a “Levski jump“ and thus received his nickname. Here, Levski made contacts with the Bulgarian revolutionary intelligentsia and gained his first combat experience, fighting bravely with Turkish units. After the disbandment of the legion, he joined the detachment of grandfather Ilio Voivode. In 1863, he was briefly in Romania. In the summer, he returned to Bulgaria. He was imprisoned for several months in Plovdiv for his participation in the legion, but after the intercession of prominent Bulgarians he was released. In the winter of the same year, 1863, he briefly attended the school of Joakim Gruev. Curiosity was a main feature of Levski's character, but disappointment with his uncle's empty promises distanced him from science and directed him towards revolutionary ideas.
From 1864 to the beginning of 1867, Levski worked as a teacher in various Bulgarian villages (Voinyagovo, Enikoy and Kongas). He taught children to read and write, told them stories about the glorious past of Bulgaria, sang haidush songs to them and often gave his lessons in nature. Along with his teaching activities, he developed revolutionary propaganda and prepared local groups that resisted Turkish and Circassian robber bands. In the spring of 1867 he went to Romania, where, on the recommendation of Rakovski, he was elected a bayraktar in Panayot Hitov's detachment. In Belgrade, he strengthened his acquaintances from the First Legion and met new revolutionaries, including Angel Kanchev and Lyuben Karavelov. Soon after the organization of the legion, the Serbian government began to behave extremely hostilely towards the legionnaires, and eventually the Second Legion was disbanded. The behavior of the authorities there changed Levski's revolutionary worldview forever. He realized that any help provided by a foreign government was by no means selfless. Until now, Apostola had agreed with Rakovski's theory that the rebellion should be achieved through the intervention of detachments entering Bulgaria from abroad.
The experience with Panayot Hitov's detachment, its failure and his first revolutionary steps back in 1861 suggested to Levski that the revolutionaries' gaze should be directed towards the interior of the country. Only the construction of a stable committee network within the Ottoman Empire could prepare the people for an uprising. This strategy, although initially difficult to impose by Apostola, was adopted by every future Bulgarian revolutionary organization - right up to the IMRO. In February-March 1868, the Deacon had to postpone his plans due to a serious operation from which he had difficulty recovering.
Having strengthened his health, Levski left for Romania because of the persecutions to which the legionnaires were subjected by the Serbian government. In August 1868 goes to Bucharest and connects with the “Bulgarian Society“, which also provides the funds for the Apostle's first tour of Bulgaria. In the autumn of the same 1868, fate, as if in a joke, brings together the giants of revolutionary thought - Vasil Levski and Hristo Botev. The two live in extremely difficult conditions in an abandoned mill near Bucharest and undoubtedly influence each other. Botev is strongly impressed by the personality of the Apostle.
On December 11, 1868, by steamer from Turnu Magurele
The Deacon leaves for Constantinople.
From there he began his first tour of the interior of the country, assisted by the “Bulgarian Society“. Levski visited Plovdiv, Perushtitsa, Karlovo, Sopot, Kazanlak, Sliven, Tarnovo, Lovech, Pleven and Nikopol. He contacted trusted acquaintances and studied public sentiment and the people's readiness for rebellion. He was encouraged by the initial results achieved and on February 24 he returned to Bucharest.
On May 1, 1869, the Apostle undertook his second tour. This time he obtained information about internal figures, a power of attorney and a proclamation issued on behalf of the Provisional Government in the Balkans. Naturally, such a document did not exist, but Levski correctly assessed that it would be easier to win the hearts of the people if he presented himself on behalf of an authoritative organization. He established contacts in Romania – like the one with Danail Popov, who initially recommended him to his brother in Pleven, and later served as the Apostle's liaison with the émigré circles in Wallachia. Popov's brother introduced Levski to people loyal to the liberation struggle in cities close to Pleven, and thus began the construction of the committee network - first in Pleven, and then in Lovech, Troyan, Karlovo, Kalofer, Kazanlak, Plovdiv, Sopot, Chirpan and other settlements. During the second tour, the Apostle reconsidered his assessment of the people's readiness for a quick uprising and concluded that much more thorough preparation was needed.
On August 26, 1869, Levski returned to Bucharest. He had a clear idea of the situation in Bulgaria and the possibility of the committee network's success, so he had to convince the émigré revolutionary intelligentsia of the correctness of his ideas. Initially, he encountered complete misunderstanding among the revolutionaries, who still harbored hopes that help would come from elsewhere. At the end of 1869, Apostola, together with Lyuben Karavelov, participated in the founding of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (BRCC). Although Karavelov adopted some of Levski's ideas, the two leaders of the revolutionary movement differed in their basic views. For Karavelov, the participation of the neighboring Balkan peoples in the future revolution was absolutely mandatory, while Levski believed that this would help the rebellion, but the main role should be played by the Bulgarian population.
According to Apostola, until the Bulgarians were fully ready for an independent uprising, they should not enter into any alliances with neighboring peoples and governments (he remembered very well the attitude of the Serbs towards the legionnaires in Belgrade). Levski realized that any negotiations with the Serbian government were pointless, at least as long as monarchical nationalism and the idea of "Old Serbia" that included Bulgarian lands ruled the neighboring country. However, Levski was a supporter of the idea of common action by the Balkan peoples and a Balkan federation. But unlike Rakovski and Karavelov, who agreed with the idea of a state uniting all peoples and Balkan lands - liberated and unliberated,
Levski wanted an independent Bulgarian state.
He wanted the Bulgarian people to be equal to the other Balkan peoples. Here, Levski's attitude towards the Western Great Powers - should also be mentioned. he realized that Western policy tolerated the Ottoman Empire in view of the colonial interests of the great powers interested in the Eastern Question.
Unlike the conservative circles in the national movement, Levski placed relations with official Tsarist Russia on a principled basis.
Levski's desire for the independence of the movement, for its purity, without the interference of foreign agents, regardless of which countries they were from, stemmed mainly from his national-patriotic considerations. It was for this reason that in 1869, when he encountered a Russian agent, recommended by the Odessa Bulgarian Board of Trustees as a good patriot, he quickly expelled him.
Disappointed by the misunderstanding he encountered among the emigrants, in May 1870 Levski returned to Bulgaria, took up the completion of the committee network and the creation of the VRO (Internal Revolutionary Organization). Lovech was chosen as the capital of the organization, and the committee there was also considered the Bulgarian Revolutionary Committee. Thus, in 1870-1872, in Bulgarian revolutionary circles there existed not only two main ideologies, but also two central committees - Karavelov's in Bucharest and Levski's, which operated in Bulgaria. The VRO increasingly took on the appearance of a powerful revolutionary organization.
The Apostle saw that funds were needed for the cause,
which could be provided by the chorbadjii class, which he despised. According to the Deacon, the collection of money should be voluntary, but in case of refusal, revolutionary pressure was allowed.
By the end of 1871, the VRO was the only real force capable of putting the Bulgarian question on the agenda. The committees began active work to attract supporters, raise funds and purchase weapons. Levski did not completely sever his ties with the Bucharest BRCK - he maintained relations mainly through Danail Popov. In 1871, the BRCK sent him two assistants - Angel Kanchev and the infamous Dimitar Obshti.
Along with the organizational strengthening and completion of the VRO, Levski focused his attention on drafting a law that would serve as the organization's program and statute. There is no exact information when this document was drafted, but it is assumed that it was completed in August-September 1871. Levski calls it “Order to the workers for the liberation of the Bulgarian people”.
It is in the “Order” (its first part) that Levski sets out his views
on the future uprising. In this document, the revolution is seen as a universal people's cause, in which all social strata should be included: the rich who have means; the scholars who have knowledge; all who can bear arms. An uprising is envisaged in the winter, because at that time the men are in the villages and cities, and the Turks will have difficulties in their actions. In the second part of the “Order” the Apostle determines the organizational structures, the rights and obligations of the committees and members. The Central Committee can make decisions on the issues of the outbreak of the uprising, the attraction of allies and armament. The private committees are the core in which the people's revolution must be realized and brought to a successful conclusion. An interesting fact is that when preparing the draft statute/program, Levski gives the committees the opportunity to give ideas, since the political platform of the organization clearly states - all issues must be resolved by "supermajority vote".
From the beginning of 1872, the VRO embarked on a course for unification with the Bucharest BRCK.
Naturally, this activity of Levski was welcomed and from April 29 to May 5, 1872, the first general meeting was held in Bucharest. Domestic activists had an advantage in the quota over emigrants - 33 to 17. At the first meeting on April 29, a commission was elected consisting of: L. Karavelov, V. Levski, Kiryak Tsankov and Todor Peev, tasked with drafting the program and statute of the BRCC. The commission completed its work the same day, as the documents had apparently been specified in advance in the meetings between Levski and Karavelov. These meetings took place at Karavelov's home in Bucharest, immediately before the opening of the meeting. Levski's draft for the structure of the BRCC was ignored in favor of Karavelov's ideas. Instead of two central committees (in Bucharest and Bulgaria) as before, it was assumed that there would be a single BRCC with an unknown location.
Levski made concessions in the name of unity between the internal organization and the émigré activists. However, these compromises did not undermine the foundations of his revolutionary-democratic platform. His ideas on the major strategic issues of the revolution managed to prevail. According to the new program, the main goal of the BRCC was the liberation of Bulgaria through a revolution: "moral and armed". The deacon was elected the "chief apostle" of all Bulgaria. Also, every member of the Central Committee (CC), "wherever he may be, can represent the entire Central Committee, if only he has in his hands a "letter of authorization". Such a letter was provided to Levski and he received unlimited (within the framework of the organizational charter) powers for his activities in the interior of the country.
With the letter of authorization on July 1, 1872, Levski returned to Bulgaria and continued his activities in organizing the committees. In the meantime, he turned his attention to the supply of weapons. The forced collection of funds, mainly from soup cooks, became a common practice. He requested Karavelov to provide, through the Serbian government, training for 150-200 Bulgarians at the Belgrade Military School, who would later become the military leaders of the rebellion.
After the meeting in Bucharest, the organizations in Bulgaria became more and more numerous, and the people appointed as assistants to the Deacon did not help him much. For this reason, he decided to divide the country into revolutionary districts - Orkhani (Botevgrad), Tarnovo, Sliven, Lovech and others. Each district center was to lead the local revolutionary committees in the district. A secret police was created for general control of the activities of the committees and for monitoring the enemy. A secret post office was also formed, equipped with passwords, codes and pseudonyms. The organization of districts throughout the country was thwarted by the turmoil that occurred in the Bulgarian Communist Party in 1872 and 1873.
The main culprit for what happened is considered to be Dimitar Obshti.
Applied by the Central Committee as Levski's assistant, Obshti is very undisciplined, arrogant, petty, talkative and generally unsuitable for revolutionary activity. Among other things, he weaves intrigues against the Apostle, striving to seize his functions, and even manages to set some private committees against him. Levski even writes to the Central Committee with a request to "restrain" Dimitar Obshti. The Central Committee issues a statement confirming Levski's leadership function. He is given the right to warn Obshti for the last time and, if new offenses follow, to impose the death penalty, but as events show, this proves to be ineffective.
The deacon initially agrees that robberies of state institutions should become a practice for raising funds, but only when the organization is well-established and ready to defend itself from the retaliation of the imperial authorities. That is why he categorically forbade Dimitar Obshti to carry out the planned robbery of the Turkish post office in the Arabakonak Pass. Despite the ban, Obshti acted on his own and carried out the attack on September 22, 1872. Initially, the police accepted the version that what had happened was the work of “dismissed soldiers“, as some witnesses reported. However, due to the talkativeness of several of the participants, the authorities soon understood the true purpose of the robbery and captured the organizer, Dimitar Obshti. The arrested man, instead of following the unwritten laws, decided that he had to show the world that
the robbery was a political act, starting to reveal names and details
about the organization.
The Turkish government received undeniable evidence of the existence on the territory of the empire of a conspiratorial rebel organization, led by the already wanted Vasil Levski. After learning that Dimitar Obshti was leaking everything, Apostola warned the local organizations to take measures. Meanwhile, the Central Committee came out with an unclear and inadequate position regarding the robbery. It ordered first to attack the prison and release the detainees, and a day later insisted on a premature uprising. Levski also considered an attack on the prison, but assessed that it could have disastrous consequences for the organization. Raising an uprising in a situation of heightened government vigilance was also unthinkable.
However, as a supporter of the principle of majority, Levski did not deny the decisions of the Central Committee alone, but forced each committee to respond to the Central Committee's order. The general opinion coincided with that of Apostola - the people were still extremely unprepared for an uprising. The deacon decided that he must immediately go to Romania and dissuade the BRCC from the decision to revolt by explaining to them the popular sentiments. At the same time, he ordered the internal committees to prepare hard for a rebellion. Many comrades advised Levski to go into hiding until the unrest passed. In the meantime, the government created a network of spies in order to find the Apostle.
Levski left for Lovech, where he arrived on December 25, 1872
The situation he found there was extremely difficult. The committee was not acting adequately, and the police were on the move. The house of the chairman of the committee, Father Krastyo, was under surveillance and a meeting between him and the Apostle was impossible. Levski left with Nikola Tsvetkov on December 26 for Tarnovo.
In the saddle of Tsvetkov's horse was the organization's archive. In the evening they stayed overnight at the Kakrina inn, whose owner was also a member of the committee - Hristo Tsonev Latinetsa. According to the generally accepted version, Levski was supposed to meet with priest Krastyo there, who betrayed him. According to other versions, the blame for the betrayal should not be placed on the priest. The apostle of freedom was captured by the guards who surrounded the inn. The deacon tried to break through by shooting, but was wounded and caught. From Kakrina he was returned to Lovech, and then taken to Tarnovo and Sofia, where he was tried.
Before the court, Levski behaved extremely firmly
and did not reveal any details about the organization, taking full responsibility for the activities upon himself. He proudly and combatively defended the cause of the revolution and Bulgaria's right to be free. The judges, including the Bulgarian Ivancho Hadzhipenchovich, tried all sorts of tricks to get the Apostle to speak. They asked him confusing and misleading questions, trying to outwit the one who had outwitted them for many years. When they failed in this way, the judges took on another tactic - they brought before Levski a number of his former comrades: Didyo Peev, hadji Stanyo, Petko Milev, the hadji Ivanov brothers, Atanas Hinov and others. They all betrayed the Apostle, but he did not flinch. On January 8, the court brought against Levski Dimitar Obshti, guilty of what was happening.
Obshti also betrayed the Apostle and told about his deeds. According to a number of memoirists who participated in the trial, Levski stood up and spat on the traitor.
The trial against Levski remains shrouded in mystery. Neither the Turkish nor the world press writes about it. The world does not know about the drama in the Sofia konak, where a Bulgarian fought an entire empire with will and faith in the people's cause.
Sentenced to death and on February 6 (18 New Style) 1873, the Apostle of Freedom was hanged at the place where his monument stands today in the capital. His death not only caused shock and grief among the revolutionary circles in Bulgaria and Romania, but also marked the beginning of a crisis and turmoil from which the revolutionary movement would never fully recover.
Levski left behind for generations about 140-150 letters and proclamations, in which he set forth his ideas about the equality of people, about human rights and freedoms, the idea of democratic government, about communication between peoples and perfect equality between them, the idea of legality and equality before the law - ideas that are still relevant today.