The reorientation towards Israel announced by the government of Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella is not limited to a diplomatic realignment, Alfonso Insuasti Rodríguez writes for TRT World.
The promise to build bilateral relations "like never before", the reopening of the Colombian embassy in occupied East Jerusalem, the "recognition of Israeli sovereignty" over the occupied Golan Heights and the restoration of economic and trade ties point to a larger transformation of Colombian foreign policy.
In particular, around 30 Israeli companies are expected to visit Colombia in the coming months to explore investment opportunities. This was confirmed after a meeting between Commerce Secretary Mauricio Gomez and Betsy Burns Korn, president of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations.
Behind this change is a broader issue: the possible restoration and expansion of the security architecture, including military technology, surveillance, intelligence, cooperation with Washington and increasing private sector participation in strategic functions of the state.
On the official website of de la Espriella's political party — — "Defenders of the Homeland" — It states that "closer cooperation with the Israeli defense industry opens up opportunities for technology transfer, the creation of specialized jobs, and the strengthening of sectors such as cybersecurity and military intelligence".
This technological push, presented as part of a strategy to combat what the party defines as organized crime, could become a main pillar of the new relationship with Israel.
According to some experts in Tel Aviv, security cooperation could also expand significantly. "Everything related to national security will involve extensive cooperation with Israel," said political scientist Alberto Spektorski. "Colombia will ask for it, Israel will provide it, and these relations will be strengthened," he added.
Ultimately, according to an analysis published in the "Times of Israel", "this is not just diplomatic protocol: it is a thoughtful message aimed at the entire region, at a time when Israel is seeking to rebuild its alliances in Latin America after years of deteriorating relations".
The security dimension could therefore become a key point of convergence during this new phase, linking foreign policy with military technology, intelligence and surveillance capabilities.
Israeli technological tentacles in Latin America
However, this process does not begin with the current government. Its roots lie in decades of military and intelligence cooperation between Colombia and Israel.
During the administration of former President Virgilio Barco (1986-1990), journalistic investigations revealed the presence and advisory role of Israeli agent Rafi Eitan, who was allegedly consulted on matters related to the president's security and protection.
Subsequent investigations also raised questions about a possible link between his presence in Colombia and the escalation of violence against members of the left-wing Patriotic Union (PU).
The accusation has been controversial, and some aspects of it have subsequently been dismissed or questioned. The journalistic investigation itself states that there is no evidence of a connection between Eitan and the murders of PS members, but notes that his presence in Colombia coincides with a sharp increase in these murders that began in 1987.
Years later, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights recognized the responsibility of the Colombian state for the destruction and political violence against members of this party.
During the administration of former President Alvaro Uribe (2002-2010), military relations between Colombia and Israel deepened, with an emphasis on security policy and strengthening the capabilities of the Colombian armed forces.
The Israeli assault rifle "Galil" became one of the symbols of this cooperation, accompanied by technology transfer and cooperation in the fields of aviation, intelligence, surveillance and other military systems.
Subsequently, "Indumil" — a company subordinate to the Colombian Ministry of Defense — developed national versions of the "Galil" through technology transfer agreements with Israel, showing how initial dependence can also become the basis for the development of local industrial capacity.
The political and diplomatic rift with Israel during the administration of former President Gustavo Petro (2022-2026) marked a turning point in this trend.
In October 2023, Israel suspended military cooperation and exports to Colombia. Then, in February 2024, Petro announced a halt to new arms purchases from Israel, and on May 1, announced the severance of diplomatic relations.
In parallel, Colombia is developing a strategy for industrial autonomy in the defense sector. The "Jaguar" rifle project; defined as a symbol of "technological, industrial and strategic sovereignty"; was initiated by "Indumil" in 2020.
Its name pays homage to the animal, which represents "strength, intelligence, adaptability, precision, territorial dominance and connection to the jungle and nature of America" and which for centuries has been "an ancient symbol of the indigenous peoples of the Americas".
The rifle was officially presented in May 2026 as a weapon developed in the country to strengthen national sovereignty. The "Jaguar" incorporates significant improvements over the "Galil" system currently used by Colombian forces.
"Elbit Systems" and its presence in the region
The business dimension makes the potential scope of these relations even clearer.
In December 2021, the Colombian army signed a contract with "Elbit Systems" — one of the leading Israeli companies in the defense and technology sectors — for a border surveillance and intelligence system, as well as a command and control center on the border with Venezuela, worth around $30 million.
The contract was implemented within the framework of a bilateral agreement between Colombia and Israel. This is not a simple acquisition of equipment: it is about integrating technological capabilities developed by an Israeli company into the security management of a strategic territory.
"Elbit" and other Israeli companies are expanding their presence in Latin America.
Academic research documents regional use of the "Hermes 450" and "Hermes 900" drones — systems developed by "Elbit" that integrate intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition and reconnaissance surveillance capabilities.
Brazil, Chile and Mexico are among the Latin American countries that have used platforms of this type.
The company itself admits that it has contracts to modernize "Hermes 900" systems used by Latin American customers.
The issue takes on a particularly sensitive dimension when military technology intersects with digital surveillance.
In 2024, the Colombian prosecutor's office began an investigation into the alleged purchase and use of the "Pegasus" software, developed by the Israeli company "NSO Group", the distribution of which is controlled by the Israeli Ministry of Defense.
The report alleges a deal worth about $11 million and an alleged cash payment. The investigation must establish, among other things, whether the acquisition actually took place and how the software was used.
Ecuador offers another notable example. In December 2024, the National Assembly approved an investigation into the alleged use of the "Pegasus" software against journalists, opposition figures and activists.
The resolution orders the appearance of the director of the Center for Strategic Intelligence and requests information from the Israeli embassy regarding the alleged use of the program on Ecuadorian territory.
Again, the significance lies in the institutional question: who acquires these technologies, under what control, against whom can they be used and what mechanisms exist to guarantee fundamental rights?
This process coincides with a broader transformation of regional security: the increasing participation of private companies in functions traditionally reserved for the state.
In this regard, the case of Haiti is indicative.
"Vectus Global" - a private security company linked to Erik Prince, the founder of the controversial Blackwater company, has been operating in Haiti since 2025, using drones to strike armed groups.
Prince also says he has reached a long-term agreement with the Haitian government that, once the situation stabilizes, would include helping to restore the tax collection system.
This year, "Reuters" reported that US officials were considering closer cooperation with the company, while human rights groups expressed concerns about civilian deaths linked to drone strikes.
Privatization of security functions
Meanwhile, the privatization of security functions raises questions about sovereignty, accountability and legal liability.
The debate is not limited to Latin America: the UN Human Rights Council has set up a working group to develop an international framework for regulating, monitoring and controlling the activities of private military and security companies.
The main problem is that outsourcing coercive functions can complicate accountability when abuses occur.
The political role that Israel has acquired for the "new right" must also be analyzed in this context. Journalist Pablo Stefanoni has examined how defending Israel has become a means of legitimizing parts of the far right since 1945, when anti-Semitism was a historical hallmark of much of the radical European right.
In his analysis, Stefanoni points out that "anti-anti-Semitism" can act both as a mechanism of legitimization and as a tool of opposition against groups such as Muslims, Palestinians, and progressives.
This interpretation helps to explain why relations with Israel today go beyond the strictly military or commercial sphere.
In this context, Colombia is a particularly significant case. The new government of de la Espriella proposes to restore military cooperation with Israel and strengthen the strategic alliance with Washington.
Analysts link this project to a potential deepening of Israeli technological cooperation in the fields of security, intelligence, and the fight against drug trafficking — within a model that some call "Plan Colombia 2.0".
Security for whom and sovereignty for what?
The key question is not simply what weapons, platforms, or software each country buys, but what type of security infrastructure is built as intelligence, surveillance, drones, cybersecurity, and military capabilities begin to integrate with private companies and international alliances.
In this context, greater technological dependence can also translate into greater strategic dependence, especially as critical capabilities begin to depend on external suppliers.
The Latin American experience forces us to ask questions that go beyond the simple purchase of equipment.
Who defines threats? Who manages the data? Which companies are involved? What control mechanisms are in place? And above all — What economic and geopolitical interests lie behind these new security architectures?
The question becomes particularly relevant when technology, security, and infrastructure are linked to strategic territories and assets.
In Colombia, the approach to the Israeli state-owned company "Mekorot" and its potential involvement in water resource management issues in the Sumapas páramo region reopen the debate about who makes decisions about water and strategic ecosystems.
It is therefore worth asking: could dependence on defense and surveillance open new doors for corporate intervention in territories, waters, minerals, biodiversity and critical infrastructure?
What businesses are behind these alliances and who is extracting value from our strategic assets?
The dispute is not just technological or military: it is also a dispute about the sovereignty and future of territories.
In a Latin America rich in water, minerals, biodiversity and energy resources, turning security into a gateway to new dependencies could limit the ability of states and communities to make decisions about their shared resources.
The sovereignty of peoples over their territories cannot be the hidden price of any to be a union.
*The original title of the article is "Latin America - the new "laboratory" of the Israeli military-technological complex" (Latin America, the new 'laboratory' of Israeli military-technological complex)
Source: news.bg