German MP Borislav Gamanov to FACT: There will come a time when the Alternative for Germany will take over

The result of the “Alternative for Germany“ (AfD) in the regional elections in Saxony-Anhalt shook the German political landscape. AfD received 43.8% of the vote and 39 out of a total of 83 seats in the local parliament - only three mandates short of the party for an absolute majority. The “Christian Democrats“ (CDU) remained far behind with 17.2%. The AfD's success comes against the backdrop of ongoing disputes about migration, security, the economy and Germany's future political course. What is behind the AfD's result, why are traditional parties losing support and what are the party's ambitions? Boris Gamanov, an AfD MP in the German Bundestag, spoke to FACTI about the AfD's policy, Friedrich Merz and the future of Germany.

– Mr. Gamanov, the AfD received 43.8% in Saxony-Anhalt and 39 out of a total of 83 seats in the local parliament. Only three mandates were not enough for an absolute majority. Did you expect such a result and what did the German voters say with this vote?
– We expected a strong result and hoped to receive a majority in parliament so that we could implement our political ideas and election promises without the compromises that inevitably arise in coalition government.
In my opinion, the German voters have shown very clearly that they no longer want to accept the current policy and the direction in which the country is developing. People are feeling the problems in their daily lives, life is becoming more expensive, uncertainty is increasing, there are serious concerns about crime and economic development. They want change and improvement. For us, this result is a clear signal that more and more people see the AfD as an opportunity for a new political course for Germany.
– You supported the AfD election campaign in Saxony-Anhalt. What was the strongest message with which the party managed to attract nearly half of the voters?
– The positive image, the hope for change, the competence and the real desire to change politics in Germany for the better. Also important were the readiness for concrete actions, clear goals and the desire to speak openly without promising things that we will not fulfill after the elections.
– Chancellor Friedrich Merz's Christian Democrats (CDU) remained with only 17.2%. How do you explain this huge difference between the AfD and the CDU – a loss of trust in the government or a categorical rejection of the current political course?
– In my opinion, this is definitely a loss of trust. The CDU and Chancellor Merz failed to fulfill key election promises.
One of the main promises was to consistently limit illegal migration. This is a topic that we have also been raising for years. In our opinion, the promised change did not happen to the extent necessary.
Promises were also made to improve economic indicators, lower costs for citizens and new economic growth. However, many Germans do not feel any improvement in their daily lives.
Furthermore, the CDU supported a number of policies together with its coalition partner, the SPD. This gives some conservative voters the feeling that they are voting for the CDU, but in the end they are getting a policy that is significantly closer to that of the left.
In my opinion, people have gradually come to the conclusion that the course promised by the CDU is not leading to the change they expect, and that is why more and more of them are turning to us.
– Friedrich Merz said that the AfD will not get a federal majority, and continued to attack your party. Why does the Chancellor prefer to warn against the AfD instead of analyzing why so many voters in Saxony-Anhalt voted for you?
– Friedrich Merz should keep one fundamental thing in mind: It is not Merz who decides whether the AfD will get a federal majority. It is the German voters who decide.
I think it is extremely difficult for the CDU to admit that the proposals we have been making for years may have been well-founded. Such an admission would mean calling into question many decisions from the last decade.
This is a huge political problem for them. It would mean admitting to their voters that certain policies have not delivered the promised results, and that AfD proposals have also been rejected due to purely political opposition between the parties.
We often hear CDU representatives say: “We should listen better to the voters' problems.“ But citizens have been talking about these problems for years. The question is no longer when they will start listening to them, but when they will start acting.
In my opinion, it is precisely because this is not happening that the AfD is gaining more and more support.
– Chancellor Merz links the AfD's position on "remigration" with the concept of "ethnic cleansing". How do you respond to such an accusation and what does "remigration" actually mean according to the policy you defend?
– The claim that the AfD wants to expel all foreigners from Germany categorically does not correspond to the position that our party defends.
I myself am of foreign origin. In the AfD there are other people with a migration background who are active in the party and hold responsible positions.
For us, the question is not what a person's ethnic origin is. The question is whether he abides by the law, integrates, learns the language, works and participates normally in public life.
When we talk about remigration, we primarily mean people without a legal right of residence, people who are subject to return, as well as serious criminals among foreign citizens. Our political approach is that Germany must apply its own migration and criminal law more strictly.
A foreigner who lives legally in Germany, works, studies, abides by the law and is integrated is not a problem for us. This distinction must be clear.
Our position is not based on race or religion, but on the attitude of the individual towards the state, the laws and society.
– After this result, doesn't it turn out that the political “cordon sanitaire“ against the AfD is already starting to become a problem for the traditional parties themselves?
– Yes. In my opinion, the so-called The “firewall“ is starting to hurt the parties that support it.
The more they lose support, the more parties have to unite to build majorities without the AfD. With our results, this is becoming increasingly difficult.
My main critical argument is that the political messages of the other parties play too much role in the fight against the AfD, instead of concretely solving the problems.
We want the debate to be about the economy, security, migration, energy and the future of Germany. If the other parties concentrate a large part of their efforts on how to isolate the AfD, I think more and more people will ask themselves why their vote does not lead to political representation in government.
– How long can the Christian Democrats (CDU) refuse any cooperation with a party that millions of German citizens vote for?
– In my opinion, the CDU has already missed part of this opportunity. A few years ago, there was significantly more interest on our part in possible cooperation, because together we could form majorities in a number of parliaments.
Now the situation is different. With our current election results, our ambition is to be strong enough not to necessarily depend on the CDU.
At the same time, I see different trends in the CDU. There are people who continue the course from the time of Angela Merkel, but there are also conservative politicians whose positions on a number of issues are close to ours. This is felt very clearly, especially at the local level.
If in the future individual MPs decide to work with us or join us, each case must be considered individually. Personality, competence and motives must be assessed.
The AfD should not become a lifeboat for politicians who simply want to keep their posts. But if in a particular parliament a few votes are missing for a stable majority, such a situation must of course be considered pragmatically.
– The AfD won the elections convincingly, but it does not have an absolute majority, and the other parties refuse a coalition with you. How can this strong electoral support be converted into real participation in the governance of the province?
– According to my information, political talks are still ongoing. One of the possible factors is the BSW. The party is also under strong pressure and has an interest in maintaining political influence.
If it comes to the possibility of cooperation, which allows the formation of a stable majority and the implementation of key policies, this can be discussed. We do not automatically trust anyone, but for us the leading interest should be Germany's interest and the real content of the agreed policy.
Another possible scenario is that individual deputies from the CDU or other parties support certain initiatives or change their political affiliation.
But there is a third aspect. Even without participation in the government, parliamentary numbers in themselves have a serious influence. It determines representation in committees, parliamentary bodies and other institutions and allows for stronger control over the government, for initiatives and for investigations within the framework of parliamentary powers. The result therefore changes the political balance even before it is clear what the future government will look like.
– The result in Saxony-Anhalt shows that the AfD is no longer just a protest party in eastern Germany. Do you see this vote as the beginning of a real breakthrough towards federal power?
– Absolutely. I clearly see the AfD continuing to rise and I believe that there will come a time when we will also take on governance responsibility at the federal level.
But with that comes an enormous responsibility. If the people give us this trust, we must fulfill our promises and prove that we can not only be a strong opposition, but also govern competently.
This is a serious and difficult task and we are aware of it. That is why the party must already be preparing people, building structures and developing political and administrative capacity. Gaining trust is only the first step. Then we must show results. If we do not do so, we can lose it just as quickly.
– What does the AfD have to do to convince those Germans who are still afraid of the party that it is ready not only to win elections but also to govern Germany?
– I personally see a big problem in the way the AfD is presented in some parts of the public sphere. There is a lot of incorrect or one-sided information about our positions and that we do not get the same access to the public media as other parties.
An example again is the claim that we want to expel all migrants. This is simply not our position. There are people with a migration background who live normally in Germany, work, are integrated and also support the AfD. The same applies to energy policy. We defend a return to cheaper and more reliable energy, including the use of nuclear energy, and we believe that this would strengthen the country's industrial competitiveness. Our political opponents see this issue differently, but that is precisely why there must be an open public debate.
The second part of the answer is very simple: we must remain consistent. Let's keep our promises and prove with concrete work what we can do.
Citizens ultimately compare politics with their daily lives... Prices in stores, fuel, energy costs, security and economic prospects. This is where we need to prove that our proposals work.
– The election result in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania confirmed the AfD as the strongest party there with 38.2%, while the CDU received 4.9% and remained outside the local parliament. What is your comment on this?
– For me, this result is a very serious signal to the CDU. With 4.9%, the party failed to enter the provincial parliament for the first time.
After such a result, I think the CDU leadership should very seriously analyze its own political course. You cannot suffer a historic defeat and then just carry on as if nothing had happened.
The result confirms, in my opinion, the trend we see elsewhere: political sentiments are changing, and AfD is gaining more and more support.
More and more voters expect the party not just to be the opposition, but to take real political responsibility or at least to participate directly in the formation of government policy.
– Presidential elections are coming up in Bulgaria on October 25, 2026. “Vazrazhdane“ nominated Kostadin Kostadinov for president and Petar Volgin for vice president. You have close cooperation in the party. What do you expect?
– Support them. I know them and we have good cooperation both on a personal and party level. On many political topics, I see great similarity between the positions of “Vazrazhdane“ and those we defend in Germany. They are our stable partner in the European Parliament as well.
I also know the criticisms of them: That they speak too harshly or that their positions are too extreme. But in my opinion, in a situation where society is facing serious economic and political problems, it is necessary for politicians to speak clearly and to state specifically what they want to do. We do not have time for moderate talk... Serious action is needed. Germany and Bulgaria are different countries, but in both I see strong public dissatisfaction with the traditional political model. AfD also went through years in which there was very strong resistance against us and we were accused of all kinds of things. Despite this, our support has grown.
Kostadin Kostadinov and Petar Volgin are people whom I know personally and whose political positions are close to ours. Bulgarian citizens, of course, must make their own choice and assess all candidates and their programs. For my part, I can say clearly: I have political trust in them and support them.