In their new book, Naomi Klein and Astra Taylor describe "fascism of the end times" - an ideology that sees the collapse of civilization as inevitable and bets on the survival of only a select few.
In The Nerd Reich, Gilles Durand explores Silicon Valley billionaires who harness their wealth and technology for authoritarian projects.
Both books address the topic of "technofascism": how artificial intelligence, algorithms, and digital platforms are transforming and spreading fascist ideologies.
"The moment of truth has come for the West" - reads a recent job posting from Palantir. The Silicon Valley company is increasingly providing "intelligence" and data analysis services to intelligence agencies, police departments, and militaries, as well as large corporations and nonprofits. "In factories, in operating rooms and on the battlefield," the ad reads, "we build to create technologies for domination".
How do we explain this fusion of cutting-edge technology and openly declared violence - this combination of "rational" artificial intelligence and a primitive worldview that seems to revive the rhetoric of "blood and soil", of friends and enemies, of "us" and "them"? This is what Luke Mun, a researcher at the University of Queensland, asks in an article for The Conversation.
In the comments, television debates and political analyses, one word has gradually become dominant: fascism. The term "fascism" is highly provocative, but at the same time it seems to belong to another era. It conjures up images of crowds of booted supporters marching along the pavement, chanting the same slogans and giving the same salute under flags with black inscriptions and blood-red colors.
However, we usually associate these images with the political regimes in Europe between the two world wars a century ago: dusty remnants of a bygone era in which "evil" was identified and then destroyed.
So what is fascism today? And how can it help us understand contemporary technological, social and political processes? Two new books attempt to diagnose it: End Times Fascism: And the Fight for the Living World by essayist Naomi Klein and filmmaker Astra Taylor, and The Nerd Reich: Silicon Valley Fascism and the War on Democracy by journalist Gilles Durand.
"End Times Fascism"
According to Klein and Taylor, what we are witnessing today is not a repetition of the past, but an evolution. Fascist ideologies have merged with a broader apocalyptic worldview.
"End-time fascism is fascism rooted in the belief that something monumental is coming to an end, and it responds to this disturbing truth with unscrupulous cruelty," they write.
According to this vision, the collapse of our economic, institutional, and ecological systems is seen as inevitable. Economic inequality is growing at a dizzying rate: housing is becoming unaffordable, the cost of living is becoming prohibitive. Ecosystems are collapsing, and humanity is reaching the limits of the planet's capacity. And these are just some of the many overlapping crises.
The apocalyptic worldview, however, rooted in religious fundamentalism, maintains that the crisis is not to be resolved, but accelerated. Dysfunction and chaos are necessary for the emergence of a more glorious world: they are the birth pangs that precede a great rebirth. Apocalyptic religion and political fascism meet at this point: the present world is corrupt and beyond redemption; it must be reduced to ashes and then rebuilt—unless one simply flees it to reach a higher paradise.
For adherents of this worldview, the end of time has already come. Only by embracing this accelerated transition—a winner-take-all scenario—can the chosen elites survive or even thrive. Klein and Taylor explore this common thread in the three main parts of their book.
"Messianic Dreams"
Chapter One, "Messianic Dreams" traces the birth and rise of the Zionist dream, reaching its current manifestation as a genocidal resettlement project in Gaza - where the "glorious next stage" of one society is being built on the ashes of another. The authors explain that this endeavor is not simply a matter of "just retribution" or "national security", but pursues a specific cosmological goal: to bring us significantly closer to the "end times" foretold in the prophecies.
"Escape to the Cloud"
The second part "Escape to the Cloud" analyzes the ardent faith of the tech giants in artificial superintelligence and the utopia (or dystopia) - a double-edged reality - that it could create. From this perspective, the rhetoric of the existential risk posed by the "Singularity" - the moment when artificial intelligence acquires consciousness and the boundaries between humans and machines are erased - serves the interests of those who spread it, directing investment and attention to technological development. It thus consolidates the power of those who already possess it.
These warnings of existential risk are not new, but they have recently taken center stage in the media, amid warnings from a wide range of parties - from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and former officials in the sector to the "godfather of artificial intelligence" himself.
"A Nation of Apocalyptics"
The final part examines the desire to turn the United States into a fortified bunker against future threats, including by expelling foreigners accused of destroying the purity of the nation. In this scenario, elites plan to survive the apocalypse by creating their own technological infrastructure: ethno-states, financial networks, and even their own bunkers - in the literal sense of the word. According to Klein and Taylor, fighting "end-time fascism" requires first questioning its basic premise: the idea that the world is doomed - like a sinking ship that cannot be saved. They call for "being here" and "staying put" rather than leaving. The authors encourage us to embrace our damaged reality and engage in the slow and chaotic work of improving it, rather than handing it over—along with democracy—to an authoritarian order pursuing a scorched-earth policy.
Zohran Mamdani—the progressive mayor of New York City who ran a remarkable grassroots campaign touting the city's culinary diversity, festivals, and communities—is cited as an advocate for this way of thinking, rooted in the "here and now."
"End-Time Fascism" is a provocative and compelling book that skillfully combines different journalistic approaches to build a comprehensive analysis of the contemporary political landscape. The authors deserve special admiration for carefully distinguishing the distorted versions of Judeo-Christianity used by fascist ideologues - a mixture of holy war and culture war waged by the "Chosen Ones" - from commonly accepted interpretations of Christian teaching.
As the book explains, it was centuries-old Christian calls for love of neighbor - including immigrants - that partly motivated the anti-fascist mobilization against ICE deportations in Minnesota. Churches and religious organizations joined the protests, distributing food and providing aid. In contrast, far-right fundamentalists selectively pick convenient passages from the Bible while ignoring its basic commandments: "to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with your God" (Matthew 6:8) - such as the call to welcome the stranger rather than to cast him out as the "Other".
While this work embodies the best of mainstream journalism, it also exposes its limitations. Klein and Taylor focus on specific people, places, and events rather than attempting a more systematic analysis of the ideologies underlying them. As a result, "end-time fascism" seems inextricably linked to the actions of powerful and self-centered figures, from politicians to tech moguls.
US President Donald Trump serves as a recurring motif throughout the book.
So when Klein and Taylor claim at the end of the book that "end-time fascism" is not limited to Trump and will continue to exist after these figures are gone, a claim that contradicts the book’s very narrative focus. If we remove the powerful elites from the equation, it becomes difficult to imagine this "end-time fascism". What does it look like when it leaves the headlines, moves beyond the elite circle, and enters everyday life?
"Nerd Reich"
In "Nerd Reich", longtime San Francisco journalist Gilles Durand turns his gaze to Silicon Valley. He examines how "the world’s richest people are building a new political order." His main antagonist is Peter Thiel (who also appears in "End-Time Fascism"), a billionaire and co-founder of PayPal and Palantir - "a man who merges business, politics, and religion into a terrifying concentration of power".
For Duran and many others, Thiel is the central figure of a new form of fascism promoted by Silicon Valley—whether through financial donations or ideologically through his books and public speeches. Reaching far beyond the tech sector, Thiel makes political "diagnoses" and offers a vision of the future that resonates deep within the corridors of power.
Where do these ideas come from? Duran believes their origins lie in the book "The Sovereign Individual." Published in 1997, this futuristic work focuses on the transition to the information age; its authors are William Rees-Mogg (former editor-in-chief of the British newspaper The Times) and financial consultant James Dale Davidson.
Interestingly, Duran does not provide an in-depth analysis of the book itself, although he considers it a seminal text. Instead, he chooses to highlight a few key arguments and trace how the work has been received by the public.
The circle of "rich fascists" described by Duran includes both tech entrepreneurs and political figures. It includes famous names such as Elon Musk, Vice President J.D. Vance, and Sam Altman, CEO of OpenAI. But there are also lesser-known figures among them - such as cryptocurrency entrepreneur Balaji Srinivasan, who advocates for "final separation" of Silicon Valley from the United States, or the venture capitalist Marc Andreessen, who advocates the acceleration of "technocapital" while speaking disparagingly of democracy.
Each of them, in their own way, uses the wealth accumulated in finance and technology to secure political and social influence and impose their own vision of society and the state.
What exactly is fascist about these people and their ideas?
According to Duran, technofascism "combines powerful technologies" - such as artificial intelligence, cryptocurrency and social media - "in the service of authoritarian goals" that benefit "a small, closely-knit group of oligarchs". These figures seek to privatize public goods and “eliminate democracy,” he writes.
But the book does not offer a more in-depth or systematic analysis of technofascism. What are its fundamental values? How, specifically, do these technologies serve authoritarian ends? And what might the consequences be if one looks beyond the power struggles in the American “bubble”?
The passage that comes closest to an answer is limited to just two short paragraphs on page 240. From them, we learn that technofascism “adapts this ideology to the age of artificial intelligence,” controlling “reality through algorithms” and deploying “the next generation of killer drones.” All of this is fueled by a venture capital system that, having "exhausted its supply of unicorns," is now forced to hunt down Antichrists to satisfy its insatiable thirst for acceleration.
The strengths and weaknesses of The Nerd Reich stem from its journalistic approach. Drawing on a decade of journalism experience, Duran fills his narrative with insights gleaned from the heart of Silicon Valley.
He follows step by step the events surrounding the San Francisco City Council elections, where an influx of money from tech giants aims to shift local politics from the progressive to the conservative camp. The author describes these events in extremely colorful language - for example, he describes what is happening as "a spectacle that literally reeks of fascist cosplay" - which leaves no doubt about his attitude towards these people and their actions.
However, this approach also has a drawback: the chapters are torn apart into dozens of portraits and anecdotes, focusing on individual personalities, connected to each other only by the thinnest of threads.
The reader is dragged into a whirlwind of names, dates and places. Gary Tan, CEO of the startup incubator Y Combinator. Sam Bankman-Fried and his cryptocurrency exchange FTX, founded on fraud. Michelle Stevens and her organization, Acts 17, which hosts events designed to bridge the gap between technology and Christianity. Brian Johnson, convinced that he can live forever thanks to products such as the elixir specially created for him - a kind of "unicorn dust". And Curtis Yarvin, a political blogger whose illiberal ideas have found an audience in Washington.
In any case, the reader learns a little here and there, but without a real, unifying thread forming. How exactly does the detailed account of Yarvin's life - including his love affairs and drug use - shed light on his increasingly influential ideas about turning the state into a startup? It's up to the reader to draw their own conclusions.
Technofascism and Ordinary Citizens
The perspective adopted in these two books could be called the "significant figure" approach: the focus falls on an influential politician, an arrogant founder of a tech startup, or a venture capitalist with enormous resources - individuals capable of mobilizing colossal funds to turn their visions into fascist reality. Such a gallery of influential antagonists makes for compelling plots, because they are real people who can be named and held accountable.
This strong focus on controversial members of the elite, however, leaves several key questions unanswered. Where do these fascist aspirations come from? How have they adapted to the realities of our time? What grievances and desires underlie this ideology? And how are these values shaped, represented, and disseminated in a way that appeals to ordinary citizens?
Today, we are surrounded by platforms, models, and algorithms that celebrate reason and rationality. Yet in the political sphere, we are witnessing a resurgence of myth, intolerance, and barbarism. These two forces are not a paradox, but rather a deliberate approach. Technofascism uses cutting-edge technologies to reinforce authoritarian ideals and reactionary values that divide the world along lines of origin, gender, and national borders.
But how exactly do these two forces feed off each other? What role does the "technological" component play in technofascism? Here, I highlight three key functions.
Technologies amplify fascist ideas by making them practical and providing mechanisms for distinction and domination. A recent example is Palantir’s partnership with the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to organize deportations based on data analysis. In this way, fascist ideals are transformed into a concrete system – made up of platforms, software and servers – that can be easily hired and put into operation.
Second, technology alienates people. It creates a vacuum of meaning that is filled by powerful mythological narratives capable of channeling discontent and restoring a sense of world order. Grand theories such as the "Great Replacement" (which claims that immigrants of non-white origin are supposedly displacing the white population) reduce complex crises to concrete, vivid images. The recent anti-immigrant protests in Australia serve as a disturbing example of this; they have transformed a tangle of complex issues - from the rising cost of living to concerns about climate change - into a powerful myth that points to a single scapegoat: the migrant.
Finally, technology manipulates consciousness. It creates an environment that exploits human desires while - over time - encouraging the spread of fascist ideologies. Influencers within the so-called "manosphere" (online communities of men) turn misogyny, insecurity and xenophobia into viral content. Radicalized activists describe a "suck-in" effect: the media has played a key role, gradually pushing them towards increasingly far-right views. Ultimately, they have adopted aggressive, dehumanizing beliefs that can only be defined as fascist.
Taken together, these two books shed light on the fascist tendencies that seem to be increasingly permeating our era. This is not a problem limited to other places or times; it affects us here and now. As a researcher who has devoted three decades to studying authoritarian personalities notes: "I study ordinary people, not Nazis".
Understanding the logic underlying this fascist phenomenon is the first step towards combating and countering it.
Source: news.bg